>Pictured here: Oleg Shenin, Stalinist, August 1991 coup plotter, chair of restored Communist Party of the Soviet Union (2004), past chair of Union of Communist Parties-CPSU (continuing CPSU, 1993-2004), co-founder with Gennady Zyuganov of Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic (later Communist Party of the Russian Federation); 2008 Russian Federation presidential candidate.
After many months of research we have resumed our “Red World” list of communist states. We have now posted information on all 15 republics of the Not-So-Former Soviet Union, otherwise known as the Commonwealth of Independent States. For previous country lists see the following months in our archives: Africa, March; Asia, May; and Western Europe, July.
Russian Federation
Constituent republic of USSR: December 29, 1922-December 12, 1991
Previous name: Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic (RSFSR): November 7, 1917-December 12, 1991
Type of state: “Post”-communist “multiparty” state under covert control of restored/continuing CPSU; primary coordinating center of continuing world revolution and communist deception
Neo-communist renewal: “Collapse of communism,” 1991
Neo-communist re-renewal: Constitutional crisis, 1993
Covert communist government of “post”-communist Russia:
1) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (restored CPSU): 2004-present
2) Union of Communist Parties-Communist Party of the Soviet Union (UCP-CPSU; continuing CPSU): 1993-2004
3) Communist Party of the Soviet Union, self-banned (false discontinuity): 1991-1993
Putative government of “post”-communist Russia:
1) United Russia (crypto-communist but officially “centrist”; absorbs socialist Agrarian Party of Russia) forms largest bloc in Duma with support of Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (KGB/FSB-controlled false opposition) and Just Russia-Fatherland, Pensioners, Life (socialist, “ex”-CPRF leaders); Communist Party of the Russian Federation (“ex”-CPSU leader) in “opposition”: 2008-present
2) United Russia (crypto-communist but officially “centrist”) forms largest bloc in Duma with support of Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (KGB/FSB-controlled false opposition), Just Russia-Fatherland, Pensioners, Life (“ex”-CPRF leaders; merger of Rodina, Russian Party of Life, Russian Pensioners’ Party, People’s Party of the Russian Federation, and United Socialist Party of Russia), and Agrarian Party of Russia (socialist); Communist Party of the Russian Federation (“ex”-CPSU leader) in “opposition”: 2007-2008
3) United Russia (crypto-communist but officially “centrist”; merger of Unity Party of Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader), Fatherland-All Russia Party (“ex”-CPSU leader), Whole Russia Party (“ex”-CPSU leader), and Our Home Is Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader)) forms largest bloc in Duma, with following parties in opposition: Communist Party of the Russian Federation (“ex”-CPSU leader), Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (KGB/FSB-controlled false opposition), and Rodina (Motherland-National Patriotic Union, “ex”-CPRF leaders): 2003-2007
4) Communist Party of the Russian Federation (“ex”-CPSU leader) and Agrarian Party of Russia (CPRF rural wing) form largest bloc in Duma, with following parties in opposition: Unity Party of Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader), Fatherland-All Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader), Union of Right Forces (“ex”-CPSU/ex-Soviet apparatchik leaders), Yabloko (ex-Soviet apparatchik), Zhirinovsky Bloc (KGB/FSB-controlled false opposition), and Our Home Is Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader): 1999-2003
5) Communist Party of the Russian Federation (“ex”-CPSU leader) and Agrarian Party of Russia (CPRF rural wing) forms largest bloc in Duma, with following parties in opposition: Our Home Is Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader), Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (KGB/FSB-controlled false opposition), Yabloko (ex-Soviet apparatchik), and Democratic Choice of Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader, formerly Russia’s Choice): 1995-1999
6) Communist Party of the Russian Federation (“ex”-CPSU leader) and Agrarian Party of Russia (CPRF rural wing) form largest bloc in Duma, with following parties in opposition: Russia’s Choice (“ex”-CPSU leader), Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (KGB/FSB-controlled false opposition), Yabloko (ex-Soviet apparatchik), Women of Russia, Party of Russian Unity and Accord, and Democratic Party of Russia (“ex”-CPSU leader, formerly Democratic Russia): 1993-1995
7) Communist Party of the Russian Federation, “banned,” putative successor of CPSU: 1991-1993
8) Communist Party of the Soviet Union, including Democratic Platform (internal faction also known as Democratic Russia): 1990-1991
9) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), sole legal party: 1952-1990
10) All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), sole legal party: 1925-1952
11) Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), sole legal party: 1918-1925
12) Bolshevik Faction of Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, sole legal party: 1917-1918
13) St. Petersburg Soviet of Worker’s Delegates, failed socialist government dominated by Menshevik Faction of Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party: 1905
Communist Bloc memberships: Union (or United State) of Russia and Belarus, Commonwealth of Independent States, Collective Security Treaty Organization, Eurasian Economic Community (EEC), Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Brazil-Russia-India-China (BRIC) Group (informal), Organization of the Islamic Conference
Socialist International presence: Social Democratic Party of Russia (consultative)
Ethnic Russian composition: 79.8%
Presidents of “post”-communist Russia:
1) Dmitry Medvedev (Komsomol, pro-United Russia; legal consultant to St. Petersburg Mayor Anatoly Sobchak and Deputy Mayor Vladimir Putin; Gazprom CEO): May 7, 2008-present
2) Vladimir Putin (“ex”-CPSU, “non-member” head of United Russia; KGB First Chief Directorate, posted to East Germany; Deputy Mayor, Saint Petersburg; senior positions, Yeltin’s second administration; Director, Federal Security Service): December 31, 1999-May 7, 2000 (acting), May 7, 2000-May 7, 2008
3) Boris Yeltsin (“ex”-CPSU, Democratic Russia (Democratic Platform of CPSU), “nonpartisan”): July 10, 1991-December 31, 1999
Prime ministers of “post”-communist Russia:
1) Vladimir Putin (“ex”-CPSU, “non-member” head of United Russia; KGB First Chief Directorate, posted to East Germany; Deputy Mayor, Saint Petersburg; senior positions, Yeltin’s second administration; Director, Federal Security Service): May 8, 2008-present
2) Viktor Zubkov (“ex”-CPSU, “nonpartisan”): September 14, 2007-May 7, 2008, May 7-8, 2008 (acting)
3) Mikhail Fradkov (ex-Soviet apparatchik; “nonpartisan”): March 5, 2004-September 14, 2007
4) Viktor Khristenko (“nonpartisan”): February 24-March 5, 2004 (acting)
5) Mikhail Kasyanov (Section Head, Department of Foreign Economic Relations, State Planning Committee, RSFSR; “nonpartisan”; Yeltsin clan): May 7, 2000-February 24, 2004
6) Vladimir Putin (“ex”-CPSU, “non-member” head of United Russia; KGB First Chief Directorate, posted to East Germany; Deputy Mayor, Saint Petersburg; senior positions, Yeltin’s second administration; Director, Federal Security Service): August 8, 1999-May 7, 2000
7) Sergei Stepashin (“ex”-CPSU, Komsomol, Yabloko; Director, FSB; Yeltsin clan): May 12-August 9, 1999
8) Yevgeny Primakov (“ex”-CPSU, “nonpartisan”; Pravda journalist; ex-Soviet apparatchik; First Deputy Chair, KGB; Director, SVR): September 11, 1998-May 12, 1999
9) Viktor Chernomyrdin (“ex”-CPSU, Our Home Is Russia): August 23-September 11, 1998
10) Sergei Kiriyenko (Komsomol; Union of Right Forces): March 23-August 23, 1998
11) Boris Yeltsin (“ex”-CPSU, “nonpartisan”): March 23, 1998 (acting)
12) Viktor Chernomyrdin (“ex”-CPSU, Our Home Is Russia): December 14, 1992-March 23,1998
13) Yegor Gaidar (“ex”-CPSU, Russia’s Choice, Democratic Choice of Russia, Union of Right Forces): June 15-December 14, 1992 (acting)
14) Boris Yeltsin (“ex”-CPSU; “nonpartisan”): November 6, 1991-June 15, 1992
State Duma Chairs of “post”-communist Russia:
1) Boris Gryzlov (Komsomol, United Russia): December 29, 2003-present
2) Gennady Seleznyov (“ex”-CPSU, CPRF): January 17, 1996-December 29, 2003
3) Ivan Rybkin (“ex”-CPSU, Socialist Workers’ Party, Agrarian Party of Russia, CPRF): January 14, 1994-January 17, 1996
Parliament of “post”-communist Russia: Bicameral Federal Assembly, consisting of 450-member State Duma, or lower house, and appointed, “nonpartisan,” 176-member Federation Council, or upper house
Soviet-era parliament: Congress of Soviets; provisional parliament until constitutional crisis of 1993; dominated by “banned” Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic/Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Pictured here: Fellow communists Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin ham it up for the sleepwalking West.
Dominant factions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in “post”-communist Russia:
1) Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF): The CPRF was established in June 1990 as the Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic (CPRSFSR), or the Russian section of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The founders of the CPRSFSR were delegates to the CPSU’s 28th Congress who opposed reforms and represented a number of regional organizations of the CPSU and its central governing body. This working body was known as the Initiative Movement of Communists of the RSFSR. On June 19 and 20, 1990, the Initiative Movement assembled in what became the constituent congress of the CPRSFSR. The instigators of the assembly were Oleg Shenin, Gennady Zyuganov, I.K. Polozkov, and V.A. Kuptsov.
President Boris Yeltsin’s “anti-communist” decree of November 6, 1991 terminated the public activities of the CPRSFSR. The republican governments of the Soviet Union, with the exception of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, also temporarily “banned” their respective communist parties. The government of the RSFSR “dissolved” the Central Committee of the CPRSFSR and “seized” the party’s property. In response, Russian communists divided into two camps: those that started forming new communist parties and others who asserted the right to reorganize the CPRSFSR. The latter camp appealed to the Constitutional Court of RSFSR, denying the constitutionality of President Yeltsin’s decree. — On August 23, 1992 the Constitutional Court of the “new” Russian Federation affirmed the right of Russian communists to operate in legal parties. In November a 62-member organizing committee issued a call to communists to attend the 2nd Congress of the CPRSFSR, now known as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). The chair of the Organizing Committee was Kuptsov. Other members of the Organizing Committee were V.I. Zorkaltsev, A.V. Kruchkov, I.P. Osadtchiy, S.N. Petrov, G.I. Skliar, and B. Slavin. Several groups participated in the new congress, including leaders of the Central Committees of the supposedly defunct CPSU and CPRSFSR, as well as defectors from the Socialist Workers’ Party, including Ivan Rybkin, who became deputy chair of the CPRF CC.
On February 13, 1993 the party congress declared the resumption of CPRF activities and elected Gennady Zyuganov as its leader. The CPRF registered with the Russian Federation Ministry of Justice on March 24. Since then, the party has presented itself as the legal successor of the old CPSU. This is a deception. The CPRF is merely the Russian section of the restored/continuing CPSU.
Pictured here: A report published only at the CPRF website revealed that Gennady accompanied Vladimir to the 2006 APEC Summit in Hanoi, where the CPRF leader met Vietnamese communists
Prior to the December 2003 parliamentary election, the CPRF was embroiled in accusations that Russia’s business oligarchy was attempting to “privatize” the party by offering cash contributions and by fielding businessmen to run on the CPRF ticket: “The leader of Russia’s Communist Party (KPRF) Gennady Zyuganov stated yesterday, speaking to voters in the town of Elets (Lipetsk region), that KPRF has no ties with Boris Berezovsky or the chief of Yukos Mikhail Khodorkovsky.” The report went on to state: “In late September Mikhail Khodorkovsky stated Yukos is not financing any political parties, while at the same time remarked that every person has the right to ‘have his own political views, defend them and support political parties.’ He said he is sponsoring SPS and Yabloko with his own money. He didn’t mention KPRF, however, former Yukos’ chairman Sergey Muravlenko and a counselor of Yukos-Moscow Aleksey Kondaurov have been included in the KPRF’s election list” (Russika Izvestia, October 17, 2003).
Without question, the attempt to “privatize” the CPRF–as well as produce its political offspring Rodina, consisting of disillusioned “ex”-CPRF members–was itself a communist strategy so as to hand an electoral victory to the Russian “Right,” also dominated by “ex”-communists and “ex”-KGB/FSB types. In doing so, the communists were able to provide a pretext for the CPSU, which was reorganized in the following spring, to rally Russians against the “Western/Zionist/Masonic-backed” bourgeois elements occupying the Kremlin.
Pictured here: Communist-turned- capitalist-turned-repentant-leftist, jailbird Mike Khodorkovsky
In early 2004, Pravda reported, the leadership of the CPRF, including Zyuganov, considered sponsoring jailed Mikhail Khodorkovsky—Menatep Bank Group founder and Yukos CEO—as a candidate in the March presidential election. On October 25, 2003, the Federal Security Service had arrested Khodorkovsky on his private jet in Novosibirsk, while the “Komsomol capitalist” was en route to a remote Yukos production centre in East Siberia. While he was cooling his heels in the same correctional facility that held Shenin from 1991 to 1994, Khodorkovsky expressed remorse over his fling with capitalism, advocating a broad left coalition, including liberals, communists, and Rodina, to oppose the Putinist-Chekist regime. The Moscow Times reported on August 2, 2005: “Jailed oil magnate Mikhail Khodorkovsky warned in his first missive since he received a nine-year prison sentence that unless the current authoritarian regime made way for a leftist, social-democratic alternative, huge upheaval was inevitable.” Khodorkovsky confidently affirmed in one of his letters from prison: “The leftists will win anyway. They’ll win democratically in full accordance with the free will of the majority of the electorate . . . with or without elections. The turn to the left will take place. The post-Soviet authoritarian project in Russia has exhausted its resources.”
Here we see the shallow and purposely deceptive nature of Russia’s post-Soviet “capitalists.” Much as Latin America’s “ex”-communist-terrorists have taken over the region through the ballot box, the restored CPSU intends to do the same, creating an aura of legitimacy that it lacked in the past. In October 2005 Yabloko’s Grigory Yavlinksky and Nikita Belykh, referred to “the political heirs of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, who appeared and continue to appear on the scene under different names, but have always represented de facto a united bureaucratic nomenclature belonging to the same clan” (Yabloko website). United, indeed. The Soviet communists have never abandoned their totalitarian project nor their intention to export Leninist revolution overseas.
According to the party’s own information, the CPRF has 580,000 members in 2,362 local and 17,500 primary organizations, and attracts more than 18,000 new members each year. In addition to being the largest component of the restored CPSU and, before that, the Union of Communist Parties-CPSU, the CPRF holds membership in the International Communist Seminar, which is hosted by the Workers’ Party of Belgium.
2) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Shenin, 2001): Apparently founded in 2001 as a split from the UCP-CPSU, this party operates under the leadership of Oleg Shenin. The relationship of this party vis-à-vis the restored CPSU (Shenin, 2004) is unclear. We presume that its operations were reabsorbed by the UCP-CPSU before or during the 2004 congress that restored the CPSU in the proper sense.
3) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Shenin, 2004): Founded in 2004 by 12 of the 14 constituent parties of the UCP-CPSU, this party constitutes the restored CPSU in the proper sense and may rightly be called the legitimate heir of the old CPSU and, hence, the restored architect of Moscow’s long-range strategic deception.
4) Communist Party of the Union (of Russia and Belarus) (CPU): Founded in 2000, this party operates under the leadership of Oleg Shenin and represents an attempt to consolidate the activities of communists in the Union State of Russia and Belarus. The operations of the CPU appear to have been rolled into those of the restored CPSU (Shenin, 2004).
5) People’s Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR): Founded in 1996, this left-communist nationalist alliance was dominated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and operated under the leadership of Gennady Zyuganov. As of January 2009 the NPSR appears to have been defunct for some time.
6) Russian Communist Workers’ Party-Revolutionary Party of Communists (RCWP-RPC): Founded in 2001 by a merger of the Russian Communist Workers’ Party and the Russian Party of Communists, this “banned” party operates under the leadership of Viktor Tiulkin and Anatolii Kriuchkov. Although the RCWP-RPC associates with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Shenin, 2001), and International Communist Seminar, it apparently declined to join the restored CPSU in 2004.
7) Russian Communist Party-Communist Party of the Soviet Union (RCP-CPSU): Founded in 1991 as the Union of Communists, this party operates under the leadership of Aleksei Prigarin and associates with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
8) Union of Communist Parties-Communist Party of the Soviet Union (UCP-CPSU): Founded in 1993, the UCP-CPSU represents the continuing CPSU and may rightly be called the CPSU “in camouflage” and, hence, the continuing architect of Moscow’s long-range strategic deception. In 2004 the UCP-CPSU transformed itself into the restored CPSU. In the 1995 parliamentary election, the UCP-CPSU, presenting itself as the Communist-Workers’ Russia-For the Soviet Union bloc won 1 seat and 4.5% of the popular vote.
Minor factions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in “post”-communist Russia:
1) Bolshevik Platform of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union: Founded in 1991, this CPSU faction operates under the leadership of Tatyana Khabarova.
2) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Miroshnik): Founded in 2000 as a split from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Lenin-Stalin), this CPSU faction operates under the leadership of Vladimir Koryakin.
3) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) (KPSS(B)): Founded in 2002, this CPSU faction operates under the leadership of Timur Khachaturov.
4) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Lenin-Stalin) (KPSS(LS)): Founded in 1999 as a split from the Russian Communist Workers’ Party, this CPSU faction operates under the leadership of Viktor Anpilov.
5) Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Skvortsov): Founded in 1992, this CPSU faction operates under the leadership of Sergei Skvortsov.
6) Working Russia: This communist party operates under the leadership of Viktor Anpilov. Its relationship to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Lenin-Stalin), also led by Anpilov, is not clear.
Other communist parties of “post”-communist Russia:
1) Agrarian Party of Russia (APR): Founded in 1993, the APR is the rural wing of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) and operated under the leadership of Mikhail Lapshin until 2004, when Vladimir Plotnikov assumed that role. Lapshin was President of the Altai Republic in the Russian Federation from 2002 until his death in 2006. In the RF State Duma election of December 1993, the APR won 37 seats and 8.0% of the popular vote. Between 1994 and 1996 APR member Ivan Rybkin was speaker of the Duma. Another APR member Nikolay Kharitonov ran as a presidential candidate for the CPRF in the 2004 presidential election and won 13.7% of the popular vote, coming second after Vladimir Putin. Communist-oriented agrarian parties can be found in a number of “ex”-Soviet republics. In 2008 the APR was absorbed by United Russia.
2) All-Union Communist Party Bolsheviks (VKPB): Founded in 1991, the VKPB operates under the leadership of Nina Andreeva and associates with the International Communist Seminar.
3) All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks): Founded in 1995 as a split from the All-Union Communist Party Bolsheviks, this party operates under the leadership of Aleksandr Lapin.
4) Communist Party of the Republic of Tatarstan: Founded in 1991, this party associates with the UCP-CPSU.
5) Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Tikhonov): Following the July 4, 2004 congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Tikhonov, governor of the Ivanovo Region, endeavored to establish a new party under that name. The Russian Federation Ministry of Justice ruled in favor of the CPRF faction controlled by Gennady Zyuganov and outlawed Tikhonov’s faction.
6) Communists of St. Petersburg: This left socialist party was founded in 2003.
7) Communists of Working Russia (KTP): This party was founded in 2002 by Working Russia, operates under the leadership of Viktor Anpilov, and associates with the International Communist Seminar.
8) Federation of Anarcho-Communists (FAK): This party was founded in 2003.
9) Group of Proletarian Revolutionaries Collectivists (GPRK): This party is left communist in ideology.
10) International Communist Union (IKS): Founded in 2000, this party is left communist in ideology.
11) Internationalist Workers’ Party (MezhRP): Founded in 1994 this Trotskyist party associates with the International Workers’ League (Fourth International).
12) Marxist Circle of St. Petersburg: This party is radical left in ideology.
13) Marxist Labor Party (MRP): Founded in 1990, this party is left communist in ideology.
14) Marxist Labor Party (Bolsheviks) (MRP(B)): Founded in 2001, this left communist party split from the Marxist Labor Party.
15) Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist Platform of the Communist Movement: Founded in 1998, this party operates under the leadership of Teimuraz Avaliani.
16) Marxist Platform: This party operates under the leadership of Viktor Isaichikov.
17) New Communist Party (NKP): Founded in 2002, this left socialist party operates under the leadership of Andrei Brezhnev, grandson of former Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev.
18) New Revolutionary Alternative (NRA): Founded in 1996 this party is radical left in ideology.
19) Organization Committee for the Foundation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Leninist): This party was founded in 2002.
20) Party for Unity and Peace (PME): Founded in 1996, this left nationalist party operates under the leadership of Sazhi Umalatova.
21) Party of Labor Solidarity (PTS): Founded in 2004, this left socialist party split from the Russian Party of Labor (RPT).
22) Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (PDP): Founded in 1990, this party operates under the leadership of Grigory Isaev.
23) People’s Communist Movement (NKD): Founded in 1998, this party operates under the leadership of Leonid Petrovsky.
24) Political Social Organization “Worker” (OPOR): Founded in 1992, this radical left party operates under the leadership of Boris Ihlov.
25) Regional Party of Communists (RPK): Founded in 1999 as a split from the Russian Party of Communists and based in St. Petersburg, this party operates under the leadership of Yevgeny Kozlov.
26) Revolutionary Alternative: Founded in 2003, this radical left party operates under the leadership of leader Alexei Shepovalov.
27) Revolutionary Workers’ Party (Biets): Operating under the leadership of Sergei Biets, this Trotskyist party split from the other Revolutionary Worker’s Party in 2003.
28) Revolutionary Workers’ Party (Doronenko): Operating under the leadership of Mikhail Doronenko, this Trotskyist party split from the other Revolutionary Worker’s Party in 2003.
29) Russian Maoist Party (RMP): Founded in 2000, this party operates under the leadership of Dar Zhutayev and associates with the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (Maoist).
30) Russian Movement for New Socialism (RDNS): This left socialist alliance was founded in 1996 and operates under the leadership of Oleg Sokolov and Yuri Petrov.
31) Russian Party of Labor (RPT): This left socialist party was founded in 2002 and operates under the leadership of Oleg Shein, who is not to be confused with Oleg Shenin, leader of the UCP-CPSU and restored CPSU.
32) Russian Workers’ Party (RRP): Founded in 1994 as a split from the Russian Communist Workers’ Party, this party operates under the leadership of Mikhail Popov and associates with the International Communist Seminar.
33) Socialist Resistance: Founded in 1993, this Trotskyist party associates with the Committee for a Workers’ International.
34) Socialist Workers’ Party (SPT): Founded in 1991 by Ivan Rybkin, who later joined the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, this left socialist party operates under the leadership of Aleksandr Maltsev.
35) Union of Marxists: This radical left party was founded in 1999.
36) United Workers’ Front (OFT): This radical left, ex-Stalinist party was founded in 1989 and operates under the leadership of Vladimir Stradimov.
37) Workers’ Democracy: Founded in 1990, this Trotskyist party was formerly known as the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (RRP). Its current leaders are Alexei Petrov and Sergei Marsky, and it associates with the International Marxist Tendency.
Pictured here: Over-the-edge KGB/FSB politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
Pro-Putin parties of “post”-communist Russian Federation:
1) Just Russia-Motherland, Pensioners, Life: Also known as Fair Russia, this party was founded in 2006 as a merger of Rodina, the Russian Party of Life, and the Russian Pensioners’ Party. Sergei Mironov, chairman of the Federation Council of Russia, is the party’s chairman. Just Russia holds membership in the Socialist International. Since the original merger that produced the party, the People’s Party of the Russian Federation and the United Socialist Party of Russia also merged into Just Russia. In May 2007 Mironov proposed a merger between his party and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in order to create a new “unified socialist party.” However, CPRF Chairman Gennady Zyuganov rejected the proposal, claiming that Just Russia is not a true left-wing party but, rather, a support group for the Putinist regime. As of January 2009 Just Russia is represented in the State Duma.
2) Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR): The misnamed Liberal Democratic Party of Russia is “nationalist” in its ideology. The LDPR was founded on December 13, 1989 as the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union, and was the first “non”-communist party to register with Soviet authorities after President Mikhail Gorbachev implemented his political “reforms.” After serving in the Soviet Army in Georgia, LDPR founder Vladimir Zhirinovsky worked in the Western Europe Section of the Soviet Peace Committee’s International Department. He obtained a law degree from Moscow State University in 1977 and later worked for the Mir Publishing House as a legal consultant (Rusnet, February 12, 2003). Zhirinovsky, who is known for his outrageous behavior and comments, is a suspected KGB/FSB agent. Rusnet comments:
Zhirinovsky’s mercurial politics and the LDPR’s murky antecedents led to wide speculation about possible KGB connections. In 1995, investigative journalist Alexander Zhylin, citing an ex-KGB staff official, Lieutenant Colonel Mikhail Valentinov, reported that the LDPR had grown out of a Gorbachev-era KGB plan to “implant a convincing and persistent illusion in the public’s mind that no alternative to the country’s chief political leader existed.”
According to Valentinov, only a few people within Russia’s special services had access to information on the LDPR’s finances. Some ultranationalists shared these suspicions. In January 1994, Dmitry Vasiliev – leader of the nationalist group Pamyat, which itself has been accused of having financial and other ties with the security organs – denounced the LDPR as “a wind-up toy of the government.”
In the early 1990s the reformist Mayor of St. Petersburg Anatoly Sobchak asserted that Zhirinovsky’s “Liberal Democratic Party” was a KGB creation. “I have trustworthy facts, known to only a handful of people today, concerning the origins of Zhirinovsky’s party,” Sobchak stated in the January 12, 1994 issue of Literaturnaya Gazeta and then attributed a quote to Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev: “We must ourselves set up the first alternative party, making sure that it will be controllable.” The Associated Press reported Gorbachev’s reaction through spokesman Vladimir Polyakov: “It’s simply not true. Neither Gorbachev nor the Politburo gave such an order.” By this point, Gorbachev was now involved in overseas propagandizing for communism through his foundation and spin-off projects like Global Green.
In 1991 and 1992 Union of Right Forces founder Anatoly Chubais was advisor to Mayor Sobchak. At the same time former KGB Lieutenant-Colonel Vladimir Putin was working in the mayor’s office. Sobchak died in 2000, some suspect by poisoning, taking to his grave any additional information that he might have known regarding the origin of the LDPR.
In 2003, after many years of denying his Jewish ancestry, Zhirinovsky acknowledged his father’s Jewish identity. On a private visit to Israel in June 2006, Zhirinovsky paid his first visit to the grave of his father, Wolf Isakovich Eidelshtein, who is buried in a Tel Aviv suburb.
As of January 2009 the LDPR–which has affiliates in Belarus, Lithuania, Transnistria, and Uzbekistan–is represented in the State Duma. LDPR deputies seldom vote against the Kremlin.
3) Right Cause: This liberal democratic political party was founded on November 16, 2008 as a merger of the Union of Right Forces, Civilian (or Citizens’) Power, and the Democratic Party of Russia (DPR). The DPR was founded in early 1990 from elements of Democratic Russia, an internal faction of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, also known as the Democratic Platform of the CPSU. While it claims to be a pro-business party in favor of human rights, its adversaries accuse Right Cause of being “too close” to Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev to be a real opposition force. According to some critics, in fact, the party is essentially directed by the Kremlin. Leonid Gozman is the leader of Right Cause.
Pictured here: Sergei Glazyev, one of several founders of the potemkin Rodina party that bolted from the CPRF and enabled United Russia to dominate the Duma in 2003.
4) Rodina (Motherland-National Patriotic Union): Rodina was a short-lived, left-nationalist party founded in advance of the State Duma election of 2003. The founders of Rodina are Dmitry Rogozin, Sergei Glazyev (ex-Soviet apparatchik, “ex”-CPRF), Sergey Baburin (Deputy, Supreme Soviet, RSFSR; voted against dissolution of USSR), Viktor Gerashchenko (Chair, USSR State Bank; Chair, Central Bank of the Russian Federation), Georgy Shpak (Colonel General, Russian Federation Airborne Forces; Governor, Ryazan Oblast), and Valentin Varennikov (“ex”-CPRF; Commander, Soviet Third Army; Deputy Head, Soviet General Staff).
Two Rodina founders, Baburin and Varennikov, served in the Soviet Armed Forces in Afghanistan. Baburin later joined the anti-Yeltsin opposition during the constitutional crisis of 1993. Baburin counts French nationalist Jean-Marie Le Pen and Bosnian Serb nationalist Radovan Karadžić among his personal friends.
Similarly, General Varennikov was the Soviet Defence Minister’s personal representative in Kabul during the 1980s. He negotiated with the United Nations mission on Soviet troop withdrawal from 1988 to 1989. General Varennikov was named Commander-in-Chief, Land Forces and Soviet Deputy Minister of Defense in 1989. Along with the Gang of Eight, which included Shenin, Varrenikov was jailed as an August 1991 coup plotter. The Russian Federation Supreme Court acquitted him in 1994. He was elected on the CPRF ticket to the State Duma in 1995. In March 1997 Varennikov attended the Third Congress of the Peoples of the USSR, the purpose of which was to agitate for the reestablishment of the Soviet Union. In attendance at the Minsk conference were also President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko, Shenin, Zyuganov, and many other Soviet communist leaders.
According to some political observers, Rogozin and Glazyev established Rodina on behalf of the Kremlin to draw votes away from the CPRF and bolster United Russia. They contend that most Rodina supporters had become disillusioned with the CPRF after its leadership allegedly accepted bribes from leading Russian oligarchs in 2003.
Rodina, like Pamyat and the Russian Party, can trace its ancestry to the KGB-spawned far right organizations of the 1960s and 1970s. For example, Marshall Chuikov, hero of the Battle of Stalingrad, was honorary president of the All-Russian Association of Rodina (Motherland) Societies, which promoted the preservation of historical monuments throughout Russia. The Rodina societies served as cells for the Russian Party, which Russian authors Vladimir Solovyov and Elena Klepikova refer to as “Andropov’s illegitimate offspring” (Yuri Andropov: A Secret Passage into the Kremlin, 1983).
In October 2006 Rodina merged with the Russian Party of Life and the Russian Pensioners’ Party to form Just Russia under the leadership of Sergei Mironov.
Pictured here: Anatoly Chubais, capitalist-communist, CEO of United Energy System, which owns 96% of Russia’s energy grid; sister-in-law married to Putin’s ideologist, Vladislav Surkov.
5) Union of Right Forces: The Union of Right Forces (SPS) was founded in 1999 as a merger of Democratic Choice of Russia (previously known as Russia’s Choice), Democratic Party of Russia (DPR), and other “liberal, free-market” parties associated with the “Young Reformers” of the early 1990s. Co-founders include Anatoly Chubais (“ex”-CPSU), Yegor Gaidar (“ex”-CPSU), and Boris Nemtsov (ex-Soviet apparatchik).
Chubais was advisor to Mayor Anatoly Sobchak of St Petersburg between 1991 and 1992.
During the early days of perestroika Gaider was editor of Communist, the old CPSU ideological journal. In 1991 and 1992 he was Minister of Economic Development in the Yeltsin administration. During that time he implemented “post”-communist Russia’s market reforms. Former acting prime minister Gaidar founded Democratic Choice of Russia, originally known as Russia’s Choice, in 1994. While lecturing in Dublin on November 24, 2006 Gaidar was poisoned one day after FSB defector Alexander Litvinenko died of radiation poisoning in London. Russian doctors have confirmed that his illness was brought about by an unknown man-made poison. His daughter Maria is a political activist who has protested against the Chekist regime in the Kremlin.
From 1985 to 1990 Nemtsov worked as a senior scientist at the Gorky Radio-Physics Research Institute.
In 2008 the SPS merged with Civilian Power and the Democratic Party of Russia to form Right Cause. Incidentally, the DPR was founded by Nikolai Travkin from elements of Democratic Russia, an internal faction of the CPSU, also known as the Democratic Platform of the CPSU.
Pictured here: Mikhail Gorbachev and Putin; in 2001 Pravda reported: “Gorbachev said he supports Putin on major issues and will continue supporting him in the future.”
6) Union of Social Democrats/Social Democratic Party of Russia (USD/SDPR): The Social Democratic Party of Russia (SDPR) was founded on November 26, 2001 by Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet president and a key player in Moscow’s Leninist cabal and perestroika deception. The SDPR is a coalition of several social democratic parties and boasts approximately 12,000 members, but no seats in the State Duma. Gorbachev resigned as party leader in May 2004 over a disagreement with party chair Konstantin Titov who had insisted, over Gorbachev’s protest, on a deal with the pro-Kremlin United Russia party in the previous year’s parliamentary election. Titov, in turn, tendered his resignation at the third party convention on September 4, 2004.
The convention elected a new chair, Vladimir Kishenin, formerly leader of the Party of Social Justice, who was endorsed by Titov. Presenting himself, Kishenin admitted that he studied at a KGB college between 1972 and 1975. Kishenin obtained his previous post as a trusted representative for President Vladimir Putin during the March 2004 presidential election through the intervention of Vladislav Surkov, deputy director of the president’s administration and Putin’s chief ideologist. In an earlier incarnation, the old CPSU was known as the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.
The SDPR was “banned” in 2007 due to low party membership and reorganized as the Union of Social Democrats (USD). The USD and SDPR hold consultative status in the Socialist International and, thus, provide an effective means by which Soviet communists like Gorbachev can manipulate the world socialist movement.
Pictured here: Boris Gryzlov addresses United Russia’s annual conference on December 2, 2006, in Yekaterinburg. Putin subsequently became the party’s “non-member” leader. United Russia maintains a foreign liaison office in Israel through a deal with the ruling Kadima party.
7) United Russia: The ideology of the crypto-Stalinist United Russia (ER) party is “centrist.” It was founded on December 1, 2001 as a merger of four pro-Putin parties: Unity Party of Russia (Sergei Shoigu, “ex”-CPSU), Fatherland-All Russia Party (Yuri Luzhkov, “ex”-CPSU), Whole Russia Party (Mintimer Shaimiev, “ex”-CPSU, Republic of Tatarstan President), and Our Home Is Russia (Viktor Chernomyrdin, “ex”-CPSU). In 2008 the Agrarian Party of Russia, once allied with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, merged into ER.
Shoigu has directed Russia’s civil defense programs since the “collapse” of the Soviet Union. He was appointed Deputy Chief of the State Architecture and Construction Committee of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic in 1990, Head of the Russian Rescue Corps in 1991, and Chair of the State Committee of the Russian Federation for Civil Defense, Emergency Situations, and Disasters in November 1991. Shoigu obtained his current position in January 1994. He was awarded the rank of major general in October of that year. Shoigu is married to the niece of the wife of Oleg Shenin, August 1991 coup plotter, chair of the restored/continuing CPSU, and 2008 presidential candidate.
Luzhkov joined the CPSU in 1968, was appointed to the Moscow City Council in 1977, entered the Executive Branch of the Moscow City Government in 1987, and was appointed by President Boris Yeltsin as Mayor of Moscow, a post he has held since 1992.
Shaimiev headed Tatarstan’s regional communist party until 1990. Since signing a power-sharing agreement with the federal authorities in February 1994, Shaimiev has become a dependable ally of Moscow. In 2002 the supposedly “ex”-communist Shaimiev opposed calls to ban the Communist Party of the Russian Federation:
I am convinced that the majority of citizens will not support this. In conditions of progressing to a multiparty system in Russia, those who do not like the communistic ideas of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation should not use an interdiction to eliminate the party, which has a steady electorate and rating. Even in the advanced democratic countries, the activity of Communist Parties where they exist is not forbidden. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not break any laws so as to forbid its activity (Interfax, April 3).
Chernomyrdin founded Our Home Is Russia (NDR) in 1995 as a liberal, centrist political movement for the purpose of rallying technocrats and reformist to the Yeltsin administration. Initially, the Agrarian Party of Russia and Russia’s Democratic Choice expressed an interest in cooperating with the NDR.
In 2000 Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty observed that neo-Stalinists and members of the Komsomol joined Shoigu’s pro-Putin Unity Party, which was the chief predecessor of United Russia.
Yet a recent tactical alliance between the communists and Unity, which re-elected communist Gennady Seleznyev as Duma speaker, was not well received by the SPS. And the SPS’s indignation over the authorities’ treatment of missing RFE/RL journalist Andrei Babitsky represents another area of disagreement.
On the other side of the political spectrum, a group of young leftists see in Putin a modern –– and a moderate — autocrat like Stalin. They are trying to set up a youth organization for Unity on the basis of their own experiences in the communist youth organization.
Malyarov told RFE/RL that Putin reaches out to a very wide audience, and that his pledge to bring law, order, and stability to Russia is the reason his organization will support the acting president. That, he says, is also why two Komsomol members have joined Unity’s youth organization.
“It’s not about Putin being an ideal for communists today. We’re realists, we understand in what world we’re working. And even if we do think that the destruction of the economic system that existed in the Soviet Union was not judicious, we understand that it is impossible and probably not advisable to aim for a return to the past. From our point of view, there are now certain priority tasks, with the first among them assuring [Russia’s] territorial integrity, providing for law and order, and fighting corruption.”
For Malyarov, Putin’s ambiguous program is the reason why he can fit any niche on the left or right. Malyarov says that he fully supports Putin, even though in December’s elections he ran on an extreme-left list that used an image of Stalin as an emblem. He claims there is nothing contradictory in admiring both Stalin and Putin because they both defend a strong state — even if their methods are different.
Carnegie analyst Petrov says the Stalinists’ moving closer to Unity is logical. He points out that the communist regime was not very ideological during the last years of the Soviet Union. The idea that dominated that period, he adds, was that of Russia as a strong power — just the one the neo-Stalinists say they find in Unity today (Johnson’s Russia List, February 17, 2000).
Pictured here: Gryzlov welcomes Venezuela’s communist dictator Hugo Chavez during the latter’s visit to Russia in July 2006.
In 2000 Boris Gryzlov, who was then head of the Unity Party, accepted an invitation to speak at the national convention of the Republican Party of the USA. Writing for World Net Daily, Toby Westerman reported: “Gryzlov also assisted Putin in forming an alliance with the Communists after the newly elected Duma began its first session. The Unity-Communist alliance immediately re-elected the Communist Gennady Seleznev to the post of speaker, and today the alliance effectively controls the Duma” (August 1, 2000). The Moscow News, Westerman noted, referred to Unity as “an association of CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) … hacks.”
In October 2002 Grigory Yavlinsky, head of Yabloko, described the Unity Party and its successor United Russia in the following terms: “The people from Unity hooked up with the RF Communist Party, or rather with the previous version of the latter, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which really was a single party in the country. In this sense, and in many others, the Unity is an affiliate of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in terms of structure and its artificial way foundation” (Yabloko website).
In October 2003 the Kremlin sponsored an official celebration of the 85th anniversary of the Communist Youth League (Komsomol). President Putin and the speakers of both houses of parliament addressed attendees. A day before the celebration, United Russia displayed a huge banner congratulating the Komsomol across the street from the State Duma (Carnegie Moscow Center, October 30, 2003).
In 2003 The Christian Science Monitor noted the ideological similarities between United Russia and the CPRF:
United Russia’s tactic is to seduce the communists’ traditional constituency by appearing more like the old Soviet Communist Party than the KPRF does. The pro-Kremlin party has stolen the Communists’ anti-big business slogans, its posters feature Soviet-era icons like dictator Joseph Stalin and cosmonaut Yury Gagarin, and its attack ads slam the KPRF for including rich businessmen among its candidates.
Pictured here: ER general secretary Valery Bogomolov and Chinese Vice-Premier of China Huang Ju.
In July 2004 party general secretary Valery Bogomolov led a United Russia delegation to China, where he signed a cooperation protocol with the Communist Party of China. According to the International Department of the CPC Central Committee: “Bogomolov praised the efforts made by the Chinese people, under the leadership of the CPC, in economic and social development.” The current leader of the party’s parliamentary faction is State Duma Speaker Gryzlov, who held membership in the old CPSU Komsomol and, as noted above, later guided United Russia’s main predecessor, Unity. In response to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe’s 2006 resolution condemning communism, Gryzlov labeled the PACE statement “a waste of energy and time” and a “crusade against ghosts of the past.”
Pictured here: Surkov and Putin.
The party’s chief ideologist is Vladislav Surkov, Aide to the President and Deputy Chief of Presidential Administration. Although he was only 27 years old in 1991, when the Soviet Union was dismantled, we strongly suspect that Surkov is “ex”-Komsomol or a secret communist since he was a co-founder of the Menatep Bank, along with jailed “Komsomol capitalist” Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Leonid Nevzlin, who fled Putin’s anti-Yukos purge to Israel where he now holds citizenship. Former Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov asserted in 2006 that Surkov once served on the staff of Russian military intelligence (GRU). Writing for Russia Profile, journalist Yelena Rykovtseva reports: “Observers ascribed the idea of creating a new party to Kremlin ideologist Vladislav Surkov, although this credit was given mainly on the basis of inertia: Surkov is traditionally the Kremlin insider responsible for party building. It was he who created United Russia as the party of power, and he who created Rodina as an alternative to the Communists.”
In a 2004 interview with Komsomolskaya Pravda, Surkov expressed antipathy toward the West: “They consider the nearly bloodless collapse of the Soviet Union their own achievement and seek to continue their victorious crusade. Their objective is to destroy Russia and to populate its vast expanses with numerous, ineffective quasi-states.“ Writing in The Moscow Times, Yulia Latynina reports: “At the recent Nashi convention on Lake Seliger in the Tver region, folks had a field day mocking the liberal media. King of PR and deputy chief of staff Vladislav Yuryevich Surkov himself did some of the trashing. He told the attentive Nashi kids how he hoped to cultivate a new Komsomol (The Moscow Times, July 27, 2005).
In February 2006 Surkov delivered a lengthy treatise at a United Russia seminar in which he advocated Russia’s “sovereign democracy.” This ideology embraces:
- The integration of Russia into international markets
- The nationalization of Russia’s strategic resources, including and especially energy
- The elimination of the single-mandate electoral system in favor of party lists to marginalize smaller parties
- The ratification of the Kremlin appointment of regional governors
- Identification of Yeltsin-era oligarchs, leftist and ultranationalist opposition groups, Islamic and Chechen terrorists, and foreign powers as “enemies of the people”
Surkov defined United Russia’s role in the following manner:
If we want our society to be democratic, to possess sovereignty and be an actor in world politics, we must develop our democracy, and here fundamental human rights are part of the strengthening the structure of civil society. I see the [United Russia] party first of all as an instrument of civil society, as an instrument of societal participation in political life and in power…a self-regulating and non-commercial organization of a completely different kind…an institute of civil society, a self-organization of citizens. United Russia’s goal is not just to win in 2007, but to think about what everyone should be doing to guarantee the domination of the party for the next 10–15 years.
Surkov, moreover, might very well be personally acquainted with restored/continuing CPSU chair Oleg Shenin since his fellow Unity/United Russia comrade Sergei Shoigu is related to Shenin through marriage.
As of January 2009 United Russia is the best represented party in the State Duma, followed by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In terms of mass organization, ER boasts 2,555 branches across Russia and nearly two million members.
Anti-Putin parties of “post”-communist Russian Federation:
1) Yabloko (Russian United Democratic Party): The liberal Yabloko party has become a marginal force in Russian “politics,” but continues to present itself as an alternative to Putin’s authoritarianism. Grigory Yavlinsky, Yuri Boldyrev, and Vladimir Lukin founded the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc in November 1993, just before the parliamentary elections. Yabloko is an anacronym of the founders’ last names, as well as Russian for “apple,” the party symbol. At that time Yabloko absorbed the Republican Party of Russia (Vladimir Lysenko and Vyacheslav Shostakovsky), the Social Democratic Party of Russia (Anatoly Golov), and the Christian Democratic Union (Valery Borshchov). Golov’s social democratic party should not be confused, apparently, with the one started by former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev in 2001. In early 2006 the Green Party of Russia merged with Yabloko. In the 2007 parliamentary election Yabloko lost its representation in the State Duma.
Yavlinksy was head of the USSR Joint Economic Department and joined Academician Abalkin’s commission on economic reforms in 1989. He was appointed Deputy Chair of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic Council of Ministers, and then Chair of the USSR State Commission for Economic Reforms in 1990. Yabloko supports the integration of Russia into the European Union which is, in fact, a primary objective of Moscow’s Leninist strategists. Yavlinsky stepped down as party leader in 2008, and was replaced by Moscow City Duma deputy Sergei Mitrokhin.
Communist youth organizations of the “post”-communist Russian Federation:
1) Red Youth Vanguard (AKM): Originally the youth wing of Viktor Anpilov’s Working Russia, the restored CPSU adopted AKM as its own youth wing in 2004.
2) Revolutionary Komsomol: This organization is the youth wing of the “banned” Russian Communist Workers’ Party-Revolutionary Party of Communists.
3) Russian Union of Youth (RUY): The RUY is the “ex”-Russian section of the old CPSU Komsomol, which adopted its current name in 1990, before the “collapse” of communism.
4) Union of Communist Youth of the Russian Federation (SKMRF): The Communist Party of the Russian Federation created its own Komsomol, SKMRF, in 1994.
5) United Youth League: This alliance united Za Rodina and the Union of Communist Youth of the Russian Federation in 2006.
6) Za Rodina: Formed in 2003, this organization was the youth wing of Rodina, which merged into Just Russia in 2006.
Crypto-communist youth organizations of the “post”-communist Russian Federation:
1) Democratic Anti-Fascist Youth Movement Nashi (“Ours”): Formed in 2005, this Kremlin-spawned organization refers to chapter leaders as commissars, like the old CPSU, and uses the red star of bolshevism as its logo, prominently displayed on members’ T-shirts. Like Russia’s contemporary communist youth organizations, Nashi is committed to fighting “fascism.” Nashi’s chief ideologist is the deputy head of Putin’s presidential administration, Vladislav Surkov. Nashi’s chief organizer is Vasily Yakimenko. In 2000 Surkov and Yakimenko created another pro-Putin youth group Idushchiye Vmeste (“Walking Together”), which has been criticized for its similarity to the old CPSU’s Young Pioneers. Cell members in Walking Together are referred to as “red stars.”
2) Young Guard: This is the youth wing of the pro-Putin United Russia party. The name refers to the old CPSU Komsomol’s journal and publishing house. Like Russia’s communist youth organizations, Young Guard is committed to fighting “fascism.”
The CPSU Prepares for the Dissolution of the Soviet Union
The USSR was established on December 29, 1922 when the RSFSR, Transcaucasian SFSR, Byelorussian SSR, and Ukrainian SSR signed the Treaty of Creation of the USSR. The Soviet Union was formally dissolved and replaced by the “Commonwealth of Independent States” (CIS) on December 31, 1991. The CPSU banned itself and went underground, continuing to govern the CIS through “new” communist parties, “non”-communist parties, and KGB-spawned false opposition parties. The Soviet flag was lowered over the Kremlin for the last time on this date, only to await the long-planned resurrection of the Soviet Union more than 15-plus years later.
The Congress of Soviets, or Congress of People’s Deputies, was the supreme governing body of the Soviet Union between 1989 and 1991. The congress was created as part of CPSU General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev’s reforms, via a 1988 amendment to the 1977 Soviet Constitution, and consisted of 2,250 deputies. The congress assembled twice yearly and would then elect a Supreme Soviet consisting of a smaller number of deputies. The Supreme Soviet served as a permanent legislature, deliberating on all but the most critical issues, which were reserved for the full congress.
On February 7, 1990, after 72 years of single-party rule, the CPSU Central Committee voted overwhelmingly to surrender its public monopoly of power. On March 15 the Congress of People’s Deputies amended Article Six of the Soviet Constitution, which guaranteed the CPSU its supremacy as the “leading authority” in government. In its revised form, Article Six stated that the Communist Party, together with “other political parties” and social organizations, has the right to shape state policy. During the 28th Party Congress, held between July 2 and 13, the CPSU voted to reorganize its ruling body, the Politburo, to include communist leaders from each of the 15 republics, in addition to the top 12 Moscow officials. Instead of their being selected by the Central Committee, the communist party in each republic chose its own leaders. Vladimir Ivashko from Ukraine was elected the first deputy general secretary, a new position created to assist the general secretary which, in this case, was Gorbachev.
The first and last USSR Congress of Soviets was elected in March 1989. This election differed from previous elections in the Soviet Union in that it was “competitive.” Instead of one CPSU-approved candidate for each seat, multiple communist candidates, representing “different” political positions, ran for the congress.
During the same period, a similar two-level legislative structure, in which a Congress of Soviets assembled twice yearly and a Supreme Soviet assembled year round, was established in the RSFSR. The body convened at the Russian White House. The first and last congress was elected in March 1990, and existed until President Boris Yeltsin dissolved the congress with its supreme soviet during the constitutional crisis of 1993. No such congress was established in the other republics of the Soviet Union during this period.
Upon convening in May 1990, the RSFSR Congress of Soviets elected Yeltsin, a former member of the Gorbachev clique, as president of the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. In June 1990 the congress affirmed Russia’s sovereignty over its natural resources and the supremacy of Russian laws over those of the central government of the Soviet Union.
Beween 1990 and 1991 the RSFSR expanded its sovereignty by establishing republican branches of numerous organizations, including the Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, which became the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in 1993; the Russian Academy of Sciences; the Russian Committee for State Security, which was later divided into the Federal Security Service and Foreign Intelligence Service; and state radio and television broadcasting facilities.
Boris Yeltsin was president of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic until December 12, 1991, when the “new” Russian Federation was created. The communist-dominated Russian Federation Supreme Soviet elected Aleksandr Rutskoy (ex-Soviet military officer, Derzhava, Russian Social Democratic People’s Party, National Patriotic Union of Russia) to the post of president between September 22 and October 4, 1993, in opposition to Yeltsin during the 1993 constitutional crisis.
Pictured here: Vladimir Putin, Russia’s KGB-communist dictator since 1999.
President Putin’s Commitment to Communism
President Putin’s past (and present) membership in the CPSU is evident from several sources. During a December 23, 2004 press conference Putin acknowledged that former President of Poland, Alexander Kwasniewski, was being considered as a possible secretary general of NATO. Putin noted that Kwasniewski is a former communist, admitting that he recalled this fact from his own days as a member of the Young Communist League. Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky, furthermore, claims that President Vladimir Putin is a Soviet communist: “Communism means that you are ready to pay whatever price for your own political goals. Communism means that you say one thing and do another. Communism means you are always lying. All those points are the main points of Putin’s policies” (Interview, CNN, Russian Elections 2000). Lastly, John Stormer–author of the classic book None Dare Call It Treason (1964) and its sequel None Dare Call It Treason . . . 24 Years Later (1990)—wrote an article for the October and November 2001 issues of The Schwarz Report in which he stated:
The Communist Party was supposedly abolished over ten years ago but still controls the most seats in the Russian parliament. Putin, who while building a reputation as a “reformer,” has admitted that he personally never left the Communist Party. In fact, a keen-eyed observer of the CNN TV report on the December 1999 Russian parliamentary elections spotted Putin presenting his I.D. to the clerk so he could vote. The I.D. clearly showed the letters CCCP in dark gray on the inside of the booklet—which was, of course, his official Soviet Union Communist Party ID. The authoritative British journal, Soviet Analyst commented that CNN ignored this “curiosity.”