>We are going to make the people up there [the United States] white, white with cocaine.
— Fidel Castro, President/Tyrant of Cuba; quoted by Timothy Ashby, “Nicaragua’s Terrorist Connection,” published by Heritage Foundation, March 14, 1986
The neoliberal [capitalist] economic model is a source of corruption, and to talk about privatization is to talk about corruption. We need to investigate [privatizations] and look for the problems and the crimes, if they were committed, and then take corrective measures.
— Daniel Ortega, President/Past Tyrant of Nicaragua; quoted in The Miami Herald, July 30, 2006
Revolutionary Nicaragua Becomes a Base for Narco-Subversion and Soviet-Sponsored Terrorism in the 1980s
In a previous blog we cited Joseph Douglass’ seminal work Red Cocaine (Atlanta: Clarion House, 1990) to demonstrate that in the 1960s the Communist Bloc established Cuba as the Western Hemisphere’s preeminent hub for communist terrorism, majoring in narco-subversion operations in collaboration with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. In 1979 the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), with Soviet and Cuban assistance, seized control of Nicaragua, enabling the Communist Bloc to establish a second base of narco-subversion. Since 1990 the Communist Party of Cuba, the FARC, the FSLN, and Latin America’s other leftist-communist parties have coordinated their revolutionary operations through the Sao Paulo Forum. Douglass describes Nicaragua’s role in the Communist Bloc’s narco-subversion offensive against the West below. According to Douglass, past Sandinista Interior Minister, current National Assembly deputy, and Maoist Tomas Borge (pictured above) coordinated the operation, which the Soviets cynically called Druzhba Narodov (“Friendship of Nations”).
Nicaragua’s participation in drug and narcotics trafficking into the United States [as official but secret policy of the Sandinista government] sprang from Raul Castro’s meeting with Humberto Ortega. The narcotics operation itself was placed under the Nicaraguan intelligence servce, with Tomas Borge, the Minister of Interior and head of the intelligence service, in charge of the operation, and his deputy, Frederico Vaughan, the chief of staff of the operation. Frederico Vaughan was indicted in 1986 in the US District Court, Southern District of Florida, along with Carlos Lehder, the Ochoa family, Pablo Escobar-Gaviria, and others on twenty-four counts of producing and smuggling cocaine into the United States, conspiracy, obstructing justice, and related crimes (page 102).
Baldizon’s debriefing by US officials is particularly revealing. From 1982 until his defection on July 1, 1985, Baldizon was the chief investigator of internal abuses within the Nicaraguan Ministry of Interior. In 1984, Baldizon’s office received reports that linked Interior Minister Tomas Borge with cocaine trafficking. Baldizon was instructed to investigate this as a compromise of a state secret. He thought this was a mistake, because he could not believe his government was involved in narcotics trafficking. Thus, he went to the chief of his office, Captain Charlotte Baltodano Egner, and asked her if it should not be investigated as a slander against the minister. Baltodano was taken aback and said that the office should not have received the report. The fact that Borge had involved the government in narcotics trafficking was highly classified, she explained, and known in the Ministry only to Borge, his assistant [Frederico Vaughan], the chiefs of police and state security, and to her. Outside the Ministry, it was known only to members of the FSLN’s National Directorate. Baldizon also provided additional details concerning Borge and cocaine trafficking and the use of the money “for mounting clandestine operations by the Intelligence and State Security Department outside Nicaragua.” Baldizon died in 1988, in California (page 103).
A Time magazine piece from December 1, 1986 covered a US federal grand jury’s indictment of Medellin drug baron Pablo Escobar Gaviria who was allegedly responsible for coordinating the smuggling of 58 tons of cocaine into the USA since 1978 and ordering the assassination of drug smuggler-turned-DEA informant Adler “Barry” Seal in Baton Rouge, Louisiana in 1986. Escobar was killed by Colombian police in 1993. Included in the indictment was Sandinista Interior Minister Borge’s assistant. “The others named with Escobar were the three Ochoa Vasquez brothers, Jorge Luis, Juan David and Fabio, who manage the ring’s distribution networks, as well as Carlos Enrique Lehder Rivas, a former Colombian legislator who is suspected of financing terrorist attacks on his own government. The indictment names four low-level associates, including Federico Vaughan, a former aide to Nicaraguan Interior Minister Tomas Borge Martinez, who is accused of helping the cartel set up cocaine labs in Nicaragua. Using incriminating photos of Vaughan supplied by Seal, the Reagan Administration has accused Nicaragua’s Sandinista government of involvement in drug trafficking.”
A March 14, 1986 report by the Heritage Foundation revealed: “The Sandinistas also work closely with Cuba’s Castro regime in supporting terrorism and smuggling narcotics from Latin America into the United States. Drug trafficking is used not only to addict American society but to provide operational funds for terrorism. As a haven for terrorists on the mainland of the Americas Nicaragua represents a serious threat to the U.S. and to the growth of democracy and economic development in Latin America and the Caribbean.” Elsewhere in the report, the author Timothy Ashby states:
Sandinista involvement in international narcotics trafficking aims at subverting the U.S. through drug use and destabilizing other Western Hemisphere nations by financing revolution with narcotics profits against the West. Indeed, Fidel Castro has boasted: “We are going to make the people up there [the United States] white, white with cocaine.” The Cuban dictator reportedly coordinated this strategy with Tomas Borge and other Sandinistas during a 1982 meeting in Havana. The drug trade is part of a Soviet-Cuban-Nicaraguan strategy. Sandinista drug trafficking is handled by the Ministry of the Interior under Borge’s direct control. In 1982, this ministry ruled that all cocaine, precious metals, and U.S. dollars recovered by the Ministry’s Department of Criminal Investigations (DIC) must be sent to Borge’s office. The proceeds from the sale of this contraband is used to help finance international clandestine operations (Lima El Comericio, January 28, 1986, p. A2 16).
At the 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, the Sandinistas received their marching orders from Comrade Fidel and their Soviet masters. Ashby writes:
There the Sandinistas, the PLO, and others met to formulate a strategy for what they called ”the global revolutionary movement.” Three years later, Tomas Borge, now Nicaragua’s Interior Minister, was one of the 50 to 70 Sandinistas sent to Lebanon for training by Cubans and the PLO. Other Nicaraguan leftists received training at Pzx camps in Libya. PLO-trained Sandinistas took part in several terrorist operations in the Middle East during the early 1970s, includtng an attempt to overthrow the government of Jordan’s King Hussein.
US Senator John Kerry Shills for the Sandinistas
The Left, of course, denies everything and goes to great lengths to this day to frame the CIA–rather than the KGB, the Sandinista General Directorate of State Security (DGSE), or the Cuban General Intelligence Directorate (DGI)–for the USA’s cocaine epidemic. Indeed, communist sympathizer, Bonesman, and US Senator John Kerry, per a 2004 article by Dave Eberhart, tried to project the crimes of the FSLN onto the Contras through the propaganda of the Commission on United States-Central American Policy, a front for the International Center for Development Policy, itself a front for the Sandinistas, the Communist Party of Cuba, and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front in El Salvador. Eberhart contends: “Kerry feverishly honed a theory that the Contras were nothing less than a major hub in an international cocaine-smuggling operation. Elsewhere in the same report, Eberhart states: “Thickening the unsavory brew, the Washington Times then revealed that Kerry had concealed evidence of Sandinista drug trafficking and had deleted information from his staff report of the previous October to pin the blame on the Sandinistas’ U.S.-backed opponents.” On April 18, 1985 a few months after taking his Senate seat, Kerry and Senator Tom Harkin traveled to Managua and met President Ortega. The 1989 Kerry Committee report determined that “the Contra drug links included . . . payments to drug traffickers by the U.S. State Department of funds authorized by the Congress for humanitarian assistance to the Contras, in some cases after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others while traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies.”
Are the Sandinistas Still Involved in the Drug Trade?
Pictured here: Colombian drug boat confiscated by Nicaraguan Navy.
The general drug-related corruption that pervades Latin America might reasonably lead one to conclude that Nicaragua’s neo-Sandinista government is still an integral component in the Communist Bloc’s narco-subversion enterprise. The fact that the FSLN and FARC are allied through the Sao Paulo Forum provides even greater evidence that all of these organizations are actively collaborating in the revolutionary subversion of the West. During the 1990s the Sandinistas experienced a number of defections by party members. For example, “ex”-Catholic priest/poet Ernesto Cardenal, who “objected” to Ortega’s authoritarian leadership but who now works for (authoritarian) Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez’s TeleSUR broadcasting network, complains bitterly of Comrade Dan’s sell out of “la revolucion”:
The Ortega-Murillo program is bursting with words of love, reconciliation, unity and religious mercy, but deep down there’s resentment, thirst for vengeance, arrogance and intolerance, behind them their hypocrisy, lack of ethics, and light pink insanity.
Daniel also joined forces with Cardenal Obando, who so hated and hurt Sandinismo, so much that he became a Cardenal. We’ve seen with speechless wonder their campaign by radio and TV as well as in large banners displayed everywhere: Obando, prince of reconciliation, the FSLN supports you. And also Daniel’s petition that the Nobel Prize for Peace be granted to that champion of anti-Sandinismo and patron of the contras. And we owe to Daniel that Obando’s protégé Roberto Rivas is presiding over the Supreme Electoral Council. Daniel changes sides in every election to make us believe he’s changed. Actually, there’s no truth in him. He betrayed the revolution, first by taking out of the Sandinista anthem the line that went “the yankee enemy of mankind” and then all of its lyrics, replacing it with a different music. He changed the red and black flag for a pink one.
Belying his demagogy with his actions, Daniel has fooled the Latin American left-wing leaders who believe he represents the left here. They may be deceived by distance, but we Nicaraguan Sandinistas may not.
Cardenal’s lament could very well be smoke and mirrors with the intent of diverting attention from the FSLN’s ongoing cozy relationship with the Latin America communist-terrorist left. Depending upon the political winds, an individual cadre’s position in the communist hierarchy, or the extent of the cadre’s knowledge of the Moscow-Beijing Axis’ long-range strategy, communists can be starry-eyed purists (like Cardenal) or vicious opportunists (like Ortega).
In spite of these defections, the FSLN still maintains its control over Nicaragua’s political power structures. Before their graceful retreat from open governance in 1990, the Sandinistas, as we have documented before, consolidated their power in the bureaucracy, military, police, and judiciary, in part, by privatizing assets confiscated the revolutionary government in the 1980s. In 1994 Marvin Alisky wrote: “However, Ortega warned the Congress (National Assembly) not to repeal the giveaway the Sandinistas achieved just before they left power. He threatened a civil war if these expropriations were repealed, and the UNO Congressional majority and Chamorro’s Cabinet backed down. The thousands of houses, land, and other property the Sandinistas gave to their leaders just before leaving office have remained in Sandinista hands.” Later, in 2000, Ortega established “El Pacto” with President Arnoldo Aleman of the Constitutional Liberal Party to prevent other parties from exercising any real influence in Nicaraguan politics. This was accomplished, as Father Cardenal laments, by stacking the Supreme Electoral Council with Sandinista sympathizers, such as Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo’s ally Roberto Rivas, and lowering the vote threshold by which Ortega could re-assume the presidency.
In a previous blog we reported that as of 2007 the FARC channels nearly 90% of all cocaine into the USA. Notwithstanding Sandinista propaganda such as the article below–which touts the Nicaraguan government’s commitment to cooperating with the USA in interrupting the “pink epidemic,” another term coined by the Soviet schemers in the 1960s–recent news items reveal that Nicaragua remains a major transshipment point between cocaine producers in Colombia and users in the USA.
The Nicaraguan military laments its inability to interdict the flow of cocaine along the country’s Atlantic coast and almost admits its own complicity in the drug trade. Captain Manual Mora, chief of Nicaragua’s Atlantic Naval Command states: “On the islands, entire communities provide logistics support for the narcos. Everybody is involved, one way or the other. Everybody.” In his January 29, 2007 report “Cocaine is King on Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast,” journalist Bernd Debusmann writes: “In the past four years, Mora said, his force had seized 11 tons (tonnes) of cocaine and 40 northbound speedboats. There are no estimates of how many managed to complete the trip but as a rule of thumb, narcotics experts say that for every vessel intercepted, at least four get through.”
Since 1990 the Nicaraguan Armed Forces, previously known as the Sandinista People’s Army, were downsized and allegedly de-Sandinista-ized. Notwithstanding these cosmetic changes, the previous commander in chief of the armed forces is former Sandinista guerrilla Javier Carrion, who visited Moscow in 2002 to confer with Anatoly Kvashnin, then Chief of the Russian General Staff. The topic of discussion was military-technological cooperation between the two regimes. General Carrion informed his visitors that his trip was at the behest of the President of Nicaragua who, at the time, was Enrique Bolaños. The latter’s ability to function independently from the Sandinistas was no doubt curtailed by “El Pacto,” founded two years before. Since February 21, 2005 the top general in Nicaragua has been Omar Halleslevens Acevedo, who is also a Sandinista.
Given the continuing role that the FSLN plays in the global revolutionary movement, would it be inappropriate to conclude that the four coke vessels that “slip” past the Nicaraguan Navy for the every one that is apprehended have Comandante Ortega’s blessing and General Halleslevens’ approval?
In a 2005 report published in the India Daily Balaji Reddy contends that the Nicaraguan military is selling some of its Soviet-vintage surface-to-air missiles to FARC, Al Qaeda, and India’s Naxalite (Maoist) insurgents. “A likely scenario,” Reddy explains, “is that these military junta may have sold these missiles to drug traffickers. The drug traffickers these days are being contacted by the Al-Queda for a possible clandestine entry to America or other countries. These drug traffickers in turn may sell these missiles to Al-Queda or similar terrorists organizations include anti-Russian Chechens.” These are the same SAMs that President Ortega has refused to decommission under pressure from the White House. US military aid resumed to Nicaragua in 2002, but may be terminated again in view of Managua’s revitalized military hardware supply arrangement with Moscow, which dispatched ex-Prime Minister/KGB Director Sergei Stepashin to attend Comrade Dan’s January 10 inauguration.
The neo-Sandinista government endeavors to portray itself as a victim of the Colombian drug cartel, its own (female) national police chief Aminta Granera (pictured below with Comrade Dan) the target of druglord death threats, and its role in the “war against drugs” as a positive one. The facade is not convincing. “Friendship of nations,” indeed.
Nicaragua in the sight of the international drug trafficking
The recent revelation of which the international posters of the drug glided to attempt against the female leader of the National Police fell like mazazo on the Nicaraguan society, that woke up of blow before the power of the narcotics traffickers
By: PL 22 of February of 2007 18:46:17
The threats of death against First Grain Aminta Commissioner were revealed by the own police female leader last Tuesday, during an act witnessed by notary public in Managua, and caused consternation in all the country.
Grain dealer put itself in the sight of the narcotics traffickers as a result of the more and more frequent and voluminous drug seizures that followed one another in Nicaraguan territory since it assumed the position in last September.
Between end of December of 2006 and the first days of January of this year, combined forceses of the Police and the Army were only seized of more than four tons of cocaine in three operative different ones.
From 2005 to date they were seized more than 10 tons to posters of the drug that the local forces of the order think that they have his operational bases in Mexico.
“the posters of the drug are worried, are annoying, are burned with the National Police”, assured Grain dealer, who noticed, without embargo, that the death threats “are not going to us to fold”.
This Thursday, the Nicaraguan Center of Human rights (CENIDH) considered that the plans of attack against the police female leader deserve one signs and energetic sentence because they are of “extreme gravity”.
To the margin of the preoccupation that they generate the threats of death against Grain dealer, to the civil society also worry relative impunity to him that some narcotics traffickers enjoy, with the aid about venal judges.
One of the most recent scandals is a judge of sureño department of Rivas, that in last January left free 13 individuals that days before had been arrested by the Police when thousand 600 kilograms of cocaine in the Pacific trasegaban.
The magistrate, on who other accusations weigh, was dismissed of his east position Thursday.
In opinion of the CENIDH, those acts “they register in a context of fragility of the management system of justice” in Nicaragua, happened route of the drug that travels from Suramérica towards the United States, the main narcotic market of the world.
To the venality of certain judges it is necessary to add the fear to undergo retaliation, personal as as much familiar, that they experience some of the civil employees in charge to distribute justice. A solution to that problem would be the application of the call “justice are face” that is used in Colombia, to judge cases of the international drug trafficking.
The possibility of maintaining in the anonymity the judges was enunciated by the president of the Supreme Court of Justice, Manuel Martinez. “Here we could have judges without face, because the international drug trafficking does not walk respecting nothing”, it noticed the magistrate.
Meanwhile, the Police announced that it continues investigating the threats of death against Grain dealer, with the hope to leave without a leader hidra of the drug trafficking, at least within Nicaragua.
Source: La Voz del Sandinismo